Jaffa, Holy Land, May 1123. The Venetian fleet
was resupplying in Cyprus when Doge Domenico Michiel suddenly learned that the main Fatimid
fleet, encumbered by slow-moving transport ships, had sailed from Ascalon aiming to reinforce the
Tyre garrison. Leaping upon their exposed enemies, the Venetians launched a daring assault
on the Fatimid galleys. On that foggy day, the Fatimid convoy noticed a small Venetian
squadron on the horizon. Counting on an easy victory, the Fatimid fleet peeled o
ff their
course to face the approaching Latin ships. But as they began their approach, they
soon saw the rest of the Frankish ships gradually moving out of the fog, their number
equalling the Muslim ships. But how did the Venetian fleet find itself in the middle of
a Crusade to begin with? In today’s video, we will dive deep into the lesser-known
Crusade, known as the Venetian Crusade, and the impact it had on the ever-changing
political spectrum of the medieval Levant. If you are interest
ed in the history of the
Crusades, check out our series on the Albigensian Crusades, available exclusively for our youtube
members and patrons. Join their ranks via the link in the description and pinned comment to watch
the completed series on the Albigensian Crusade as well as the Fall of Sparta, First Punic War,
Italian Reunification Wars, History of Prussia, Biography of Sulla and the ongoing series on the
Russo-Japanese War, Reconquista, Pacific War, World War II North African Campaign
, Persian
Wars, War of Spanish Succession and much more. Ilghazi and the Outremer after 1119
In the aftermath of the battle of Hab and the dramatic campaign of 1119, tensions in
northern Syria remained at an all-time high. The Artuqid atabeg Ilghazi was not done fighting the
Franks and demanded a rematch. By the next year, he had renewed his feud with Antioch and
Edessa. The Artuqid split his forces in half, delegating his governor of Athareb, Bulaq, to
raid Antiochene territory while the m
ain force would besiege the city of Edessa. However, the
Latins had already been made aware of Ilghazi’s intentions. Consequently, Antioch’s governor,
Patriarch Bernard of Valence, and Count of Edessa Joscelin of Courtenay declined to meet Ilghazi in
open battle, opting instead to disrupt his main supply line. Since the areas of northern Syria
had already been devastated, Muslim armies had no potential loot and plunder, diminishing
the enthusiasm of Ilghazi’s men. Moreover, the news of Bald
win II returning with Jerusalem’s
army only further damaged Artuqid morale. Having nothing to fight for resulted in Turcoman warriors
deserting Ilghazi’s force en masse. Reluctant, Ilghazi signed a truce with King Baldwin
that was meant to last for one year. Thus, after two years of struggle, both
sides were relieved from fighting one another and could finally divert
their attention in different directions. After securing the northern frontier, Baldwin
II could put his efforts into solidif
ying his realm. Ever since the times of the First
Crusade and the conquest of Jerusalem in 1099, there had been no single official law or set
of rules in his Kingdom except the one borrowed from feudal Europe. The Latins quickly found out
that in order for the Crusader States to survive, they needed better organized social structures
that could withstand their surrounding neighbours. On the 16th of January, 1120, Baldwin II,
together with Jerusalem’s Patriarch Gormond, gathered most of the
secular and Clerical figures
in the Kingdom to the town of Nablus in order to discuss and resolve all internal affairs. This
event, also known as the Council of Nablus, was the first Crusader Convocation assembled in
the Holy Land that sanctioned a set of 25 laws, rights for the clergy and even social norms
acknowledged by the Latins in the Outremer. It resolved the matters of Investiture between
the Church and the State by clearly setting boundaries between them. Clerical figures like
pri
ests, bishops and Patriarchs were banned from military affairs and were only allowed to defend
the Christian communities and spiritually support crusading armies. During the discussion, laws
were passed to prevent Christians from integrating into the surrounding Muslim environment and
adopting Muslim lifestyles by prohibiting marriage between different faiths. In addition,
the new laws also presented a set of punishments for crimes like oath-breaking, adultery, bigamy
and other sins sometim
es common among Crusaders. But the most important matter discussed
at the Council of Nablus was the official acknowledgement of the Military Orders by the
Kingdom of Jerusalem. The first of them were the Knights of Hospitallers. The Knights Hospitaller
started as a group of Italian merchants of Amalfi, who were led by a man named Gerard from the same
city. Together they travelled to the Holy Land back in the 11th century, and with the permission
of the Fatimids, who ruled the region at the
time, they established a Hospital under the name of St.
John the Almsgiver. Their main objective was to provide aid and protection for pilgrims eager to
visit the Holy sites. Their activity was halted by the Seljuk takeover of Jerusalem. During the
First Crusade and later creation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Hospitallers proved themselves
very useful in aiding the Latins, providing care for the initially all Italian pilgrims and
aiding the kings of Jerusalem in battles against the Selj
uks and Fatimids. Their actions
were rewarded by Pope Paschal II, who officially acknowledged the Hospitallers’ regula in 1113.
However, as the fighting between the Christians and the Muslims intensified, pilgrim routes
were gradually more endangered by the Fatimid raiding parties or local Muslim bandits. When
Master Gerard passed away around 1118 or 1120, his successor, Master Raymond de Puy, reformed and
restructured the order and extended its actions beyond hospital work. Marked by a whi
te cross on a
black tunic, The Hospitallers started to fight the local banditry and even served in open military
campaigns under the king of Jerusalem. At Nablus, their actions were officially acknowledged
by the entire kingdom, allowing them to expand their operations on the entire Outremer.
The rebranding of the Knights Hospitaller was heavily influenced by the beginning of another
equally famous Order; the Templars. The Knights Templar were founded by a French knight of
Champagne, Hugh d
e Payens, who, in 1118, managed to convince King Baldwin I to set up
a new military quarter in one of the wings of the royal palace located at the former Al-Asqa
mosque. Filled by his knightly companions they formed a special order, vowing to actively defend
the Christian pilgrims along the way to Jerusalem. The Templars bore a red cross on their tunics,
with knights and clerics wearing white tunic, whereas the sergeants wore a black one. All
brothers followed St. Benedictine's rule of mona
stic Christian asceticism. With the Council
of Nablus settled the king of Jerusalem granted the Knight’s Templar his full support,
allowing them to have their own outposts, land and independent organization from the
crown in exchange for providing a disciplined military force and sharing the burden of
garrisoning of several border castles. As the various Knightly Orders of the Levant grew
in numbers, their support would play a key role in the future of the Latin States in the Levant.
The o
nly man opposing the Nablus Council was Pons of Tripoli. The Count was furious at Baldwin for
claiming Antioch for himself and grew ever more fearful that Jerusalem might come to dominate over
all the Outremer states. In an act of protest, he forbade any Tripolitan noble or religious
figures from his domains to attend the Council, which only strained his relations with
the King of Jerusalem. Later on, in 1122, Pons even went as far as to rebel against
Le Bourg. However, as Baldwin rallied h
is army with the Holy Cross and approached Tripoli
itself, Pons gave up and reconciled with the king. Ilghazi’s fate
Meanwhile, on the Muslim side, the Ilghazi embarked on a military campaign into Georgia in
1121. The Artuqid Atabeg accepted an invitation from The Emirate of Tiflis, located in modern day
Tbilisi. In recent years, the Emirate had become increasingly threatened by the burgeoning power
of the Bagrationi dynasty. Ilghazi was soundly defeated by the Georgians at the battle of Did
gori
and was forced to retreat back to Mardin, with his manpower resources severely depleted. Further
bad news for Ilghazi soon followed as his own son Suleiman, who governed his territories of Aleppo,
revolted against his father. In order to stabilize his borders with the Franks while he dealt with
this internal crisis, he ceded the fortresses of Athareb and Zardana back to the Latins, to which
Baldwin II gladly obliged. Ilghazi’s previous fruits of conquest were now again in the hands
of
the Crusader States. The Civil War and the loss of bordering castles proved to be a heavy
blow for the Artuqids. Tired of trying to keep a lid on internal divisions, Ilghazi gradually
delegated parts of his domains into the hands of his relatives, only further decentralizing
his state. Attempting to retake Zardana, he assembled his army and marched west to confront
Baldwin once more. However, as the two sides were approaching an upcoming engagement, Ilghazi died
of apoplexy, forcing the Mu
slim army to withdraw. Once a powerful warlord willing to challenge all
his neighbours, Ilghazi died as a broken man, his empire fading from his eyes. Le Bourg
was relieved by how things turned out, but he had little time for celebrations, as
he had to turn his focus on Transjordan in order to repel a Toghtekin invasion, after
which he could finally return to Jerusalem. Venetians follow the cross
Ever since the Battle of Ager Sanguinis in 1119, King Baldwin II Le Bourg
had sought military a
id from all corners of Catholic Europe. Much to his disappointment,
most European leaders like Pope Calixtus II and Holy Roman Emperor Henri V were
embroiled in the Investiture Controversy, resulting in no aid for the Crusader States. The
only candidate interested in aiding the Crusading cause proved to be the Maritime Republic of
Venice. Familiar with trade in the Levant, the Republic desired more trading posts
in the region from which it could profit. When Baldwin’s emissaries approached
the Venetian
Doge, Domenico Michiel, with promises to provide the Most Serene Republic with just that,
the latter proved willing to cooperate. Meanwhile, the Venetians had also received
a letter from Calixtus II encouraging the Republic to go on Crusade. The pope's relations
with the German Emperor were, by that point, gradually improving, and the bishop of Rome
needed to focus Europe’s attention somewhere else. Just like in 1095, the Holy Land seemed to
be the perfect solution. With Papal
's blessing, a crusade was announced in 1122 with the aim of
supporting Jerusalem in its darkest hour. The word was quickly spread across Europe, and soon
knights and pilgrims from France, Germany, Bohemia and Italy gathered near Venice. With the
final preparations completed on 8th August 1122, the Crusaders and Venetians set sail from
Venetian Lagoon. The number of ships in the historical sources varies from 72 to 120,
but it is safe to say that the Crusaders numbered around 100 vessels wi
th a maximum of
15,000 men on board. Their voyage proved to be more problematic than previously expected, as the
Venetians were sailing around the Adriatic Coast, they were tempted to renew their quarrel with
the Byzantine Emperor John Comnenus over their unfavourable trade rights with the Greeks. Wanting
to settle their score with the Eastern Romans, the Venetian fleet attacked a strategic fortress
on the island of Corfu. But much to the Doge's dismay, the siege dragged on for over a year,
and the other European Crusaders became restless about sailing to Jerusalem. Finally, the pilgrims’
voices were heard as the messenger from Jerusalem urged the Venetians to abandon the siege of
Corfu in favour of reaching the Holy Land, as the recent events unfolding in the Outremer
required the Crusader's immediate action. King & Count in captivity
Ilghazi’s death in 1122 had emboldened Joscelin to raid Aleppo territory and
attempt to secure a strategic crossing of the Euphrates at Balis.
Like during his previous
fights with the Bedouins at Transjordan, he planned for a swift action with only a
hundred men. Confident in Ilghazi’s realm decentralization, the Count rushed
his force inside enemy territory, neglecting the remaining Artuqid Turcoman force.
Much to Joscelin’s surprise, his force was ambushed and defeated by the Turcomans headed
by Ilghazi’s son, Nur ad-Daulah Belek Ghazi, who killed most of the Latin knights, all
except Joscelin and Galeran of Le Puiset, lord of
Birjek. Elated by his easy victory,
Belek decided to keep his hostage and imprison him at the remote Kharpurt fortress in southern
Armenia. Hearing the news of Joscelin’s troubles, Baldwin II decided to take charge of the County’s
overlordship and initiate a rescue mission, gathering a few hundred knights, sergeants and
Turcopoles for the action. By quickly reaching Edessa, Le Bourg reestablished order in the
County. Afterwards, the king rushed to the place of Joscelin’s captivity. However
, Baldwin’s raid
proved to be as short-sighted as Joscelins'. As he tried to cross the Euphrates river at Gargar, he
was ambushed and captured by Belek and thrown into the same prison as Joscelin. The situation turned
out to be dire for the King of Jerusalem. The loss of a Joscelin could only be felt as a loss of the
Count’s personal prestige, but a King’s captivity would put the entire Kingdom of Jerusalem,
including all Latin States, to the test. Venetians arrival
Meanwhile, by the End of
May 1123, the Venetians and the rest of the Crusaders had
finally sailed to Acca. After the initial lavish celebration in Jerusalem, the Latin nobility
entered into a heavy debate on where to direct the Venetian fleet. Only Tyre and Ascalon remained
in Muslim hands from the remaining strongholds and harbours in the Outremer. The Latin barons
from Judea favoured an offensive on Ascalon, while the barons of Galilee opted for the latter.
Ultimately, the deciding voice came from the Venetians,
who preferred to sail upon Tyre, mainly
because of the better harbour condition. During the discussions, Dominico Michiel demanded
terms for their service. Realizing that the opportunity could not wait until Baldwin’s
return from captivity, Constable William and the newly appointed Patriarch Warmund
reluctantly agreed. They signed a treaty, also known as PACTUM WARMUNDI, which stated
that in exchange for Venice’s naval and military assistance in the Holy Land, the Kingdom of
Jerusalem wou
ld allow Venetian merchants to settle one street in each major Harbour and city in the
Kingdom of Jerusalem, except the Holy City itself, and enjoy certain privileges like an exemption
from taxation. The republican traders could use their own coin weight measures & standards
during the transactions and were guaranteed rights to have a separate church, market,
bath, mill and oven in every city. Furthermore, upon the capture of Tyre, Ascalon and the rest of
the harbours, one-third of the city
and one-third of the city’s surroundings were to be handed to
Venetians. This agreement was very favourable to the Venetians, for it gave them the lion’s share
in the lucrative trade routes of the Levant. Siege of Tyre 1124
As the talks ended, the Crusaders and the Venetians approached Tyre
and began the siege on the 15th of February, 1124. Luck was on the Crusader’s side, for the
city was in turmoil due to strained relations between Fatimid Egypt and the Emirate of
Damascus. Previously, T
yre was governed by Toghtekin’s governor Mas’ud, and the city still
maintained prayers for the Fatimid Caliph, which, according to Muslim custom, meant that formally
the city still belonged to the Fatimids. The Egyptian vizier Al-Afdal didn’t was hesitant
to change this delicate political balance, wanting to maintain good relations with both the
Fatimids and the Atabeg of Damascus. However, the situation changed rapidly after his assassination
in 1121 by his own Caliph Al-Amir. After this,
the Fatimid Caliph sent a fleet to Tyre, which
managed to lure out Mas’ud and bring him back to Egypt. After this successful kidnapping, Mas’ud
was forced to hand the city over to the Fatimids, after which he was allowed to return to Toghtekin.
When the Damascene warlord realized he had been outsmarted and nothing could be done, he
decided to allow Fatimids to keep the city, probably out of fear of breaking the alliance.
He remained with his forces behind Jordan, awaiting any opportunity to
retake the city.
This infighting amongst the Muslims was very beneficial for the Franks. Without Al-Amir
and Toghtekin coordinating their actions, the Franks could easily defend their positions
against any Fatimid or Damascene reinforcements. However, despite all these factors, their
opponents still couldn’t be underestimated. The defenders of Tyre could still rely
on resupply and reinforcements from the sea as long as the Fatimids possessed
a strong navy in the region. Moreover, the Crusa
ders were pressured even further due
to Al-Amir’s army arriving from the south. The Caliph ordered the building of as many ships
as possible, amounting to his fleet of over 70 galleys. He intended to relieve the city by
striking the Crusader forces from land and sea. By the end of May 1123, the Egyptian army had
moved from Askhelon through Jaffa. Without any hesitation, Constable William hastily mobilized
knights, pilgrims and citizens of Jerusalem, numbering around 7000 men, to confront th
e Fatimid
threat. Marching with a Relic of the Holy Cross, the forces of Jerusalem blocked the Muslim march
on Jaffa near Ibelin. When both sides spotted each other near the village of Caco, the Latins blocked
the path, providing time for the Venetian sailors to embark on their ships and get out of danger. As
the Caliph’s forces approached the Christian host, the battle ensued. Despite the numerical
superiority of the Fatimids, William’s army had higher morale in the presence of Holy
Relic
. Encouraged, the Latins pushed forward and, with great ferocity, finally broke through the
Fatimid centre. Seeing their formation broken, the Muslims fled, leaving their camp and
spoils in the hands of the victors. After this, the Crusaders returned to Tyre, celebrating
their victory. When the Egyptian fleet learned about the defeat of their land counterpart, the
Fatimid admiral decided to return to Ascalon, denying the Venetians the chance to engage with
the Egyptians for a while. When bo
th of his forces returned to Ascalon, the Caliph decided to change
the direction of his army for Jerusalem in order to divert the Crusaders’ attention, also dividing
Venetian galleys from their Latin suppliers while his fleet would continue to supply the city.
Meanwhile, as the Venetian fleet was resupplying in Cyprus, the Venetian doge learned that the
Fatimid main fleet had sailed again from Ascalon, aiming to reinforce the Tyre garrison again. The
Egyptian ships were slowed down by the in
creased number of transport ships, causing the fleet to
sail slower than possible. Knowing that such an occasion may not repeat itself for a long time,
the Venetian doge launched a daring assault on the Fatimid galleys. He divided his vessels into
two groups, with the stronger ships at the front to lure enemy ships into battle. On a foggy
morning, the Fatimid convoy noticed a small Venetian squadron. Counting on an easy victory,
the Fatimid fleet broke away from their course and turned to f
ace the approaching Latin ships. But
as they advanced upon their enemy, the rest of the Frankish ships gradually moved out of the fog,
with their number outgrowing the Muslim ships. Soon, panic and chaos spread across the Fatimid
fleet. The Venetian ships caught the Egyptian galleys and engaged in fierce deck-to-deck
fighting. In the midst of combat, the Venetian sailors captured four galleys and six transport
ships. The Most Serene Republic’s navy carved their way up the way to the Fatimid
flagship,
boarded it, and killed the enemy admiral. When the Egyptian sailors heard of the death of their
commander, they panicked and fled, sailing back to Ascalon. The Venetians pursued their foes as
far as al-Arish, then returned north to rejoin the rest of the Latin army. William of Tyre,
probably exaggerating the outcomes of the battle, stated that over 4000 corpses of Fatimid sailors
were carried out on a shore, turning the sea red. The naval victory at Jaffa was a turning point
in
the siege. Now, the city was encircled by both land and sea. Moreover, the water
and rations were starting to dwindle, and the situation inside the city was getting
direr with each passing day. Its citizens again decided to send letters to Al-Amir and Toghtekin,
desperately pleading for immediate assistance, stating that the city would be forced to surrender
if no further provisions were provided. Sadly for Tyre, the Fatimids had just suffered two defeats
in a row, and the Caliph felt that
he was in no position to send any more reinforcements. However,
not all was lost for the city of Tyre. Toghtekin was on his way, having marched his army to the aid
of the city, probably counting on an easy victory, assuming that both Latins and Fatimids
had sustained heavy losses from the siege. Having mustered a huge army near Damascus,
Toghtekin easily crossed Galilee and encamped just four miles outside the city walls. The Crusaders,
shocked at the speed of the Damascene army, thought th
e attack was coordinated between
the Emir of Damascus and the Fatimid Caliph, so they split their forces into three groups.
William of Burres, together with Pons of Tripoli, would use all the Latin cavalry in an attempt to
stop Toghtekin’s advance. The Venetians would sail around Tyre expecting the next assault from the
Fatimid fleet, while the third group would guard the siege engines, preventing the defenders from
sallying out of Tyre. Toghtekin, on the other hand, counted on his element
of surprise. When
he heard that the crusading force was rushing to meet him in battle, he decided to return home. At
the same time, the Venetian fleet, suspecting the attack of an Egyptian fleet, seized the small
harbour of Scandalium only to find out that the Egyptian fleet was nowhere to be found.
The only remaining move to be made was by Tyre’s defenders, and in a desperate sally,
they managed to burn down some of the siege equipment. Undeterred, the Crusaders decided
to double their eff
orts since it was certain that no help would arrive any time soon. They
sent a letter to Antioch for more engineers, including one Armenian named Havedic, whose
skills and expertise allowed the Crusaders to cover their losses and even further intensify
Catapults and ballistae firepower on the city walls. Hearing of the siege’s progress, Toghtekin
was again called for aid. This time, Toghtekin knew all too well that the capitulation was
inevitable and the Crusading force too numerous. Finall
y, the Emir of Damascus opened negotiations
with the Crusaders in the name of Tyre. During the talks, terms of surrender were presented;
the city would be handled to the Latins, and in exchange, the Muslim population could
leave freely for Damascus with their property intact. This proposal was ill-received by some
of the Crusaders, but in a heated discussion, William of Burres managed to convince the rest to
agree with the final statement. After the terms were presented to Toghtekin, the Em
ir of Damascus
agreed, and on the 7th of July, 1124, the city was finally handed over to the Franks. The Latins
also fulfilled their obligations to Venetians by giving them control of one-third of Tyre. As
the Most Serene Republic fleet sailed back to the Venetian lagoon, they also reached a favourable
trade agreement with The Byzantines, thus establishing themselves as the main powerhouse
of maritime trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. Consequences & Outro
The Venetian Crusade marked the b
eginning of the Crusader Kingdom's growing dependence on the
Italian maritime republic. Thanks to the signed Pactum Warmundi, Venice was allowed to become a
main benefactor of the trade in the Levant, which could quickly unfold into political influence
as well as indicating a foreshadowing of the events of the disastrous Fourth Crusade. Still,
the Latins managed to achieve a great victory, and with only Ascalon remaining, almost the
entire coastal line of the Holy Land belonged to the Frank
s, which resulted in a drastic shift
in the balance of naval power in favour of the Crusader states. This allowed for an increased
influx of pilgrims from Europe. Furthermore, the Kingdom of Jerusalem was put to the test, and
thanks to King Baldwin’s organization, it managed not only to survive without his presence but
also to expand its territory. In our next video, we will talk about Baldwin’s fate, which resulted
in a fierce battle of Azaz, so make sure you are subscribed and have presse
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