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U.S. Foreign Policy from Eisenhower to Reagan: Who Did It Serve and What Were the Consequences

The Eisenhower Institute Undergraduate Fellows hosted a virtual panel to discuss U.S. Foreign Policy from Eisenhower to Reagan. The panelists addressed human rights, how U.S. foreign policy worked in support of corporate capitalism, and the domestic side of foreign policy. This event originally aired on Tuesday, March 30, 2021. James Goldgeier is a Robert Bosch Senior Visiting Fellow at the Center on the United States & Europe at Brookings and a Professor of International Relations at the School of International Service at American University, where he served as Dean from 2011-17. Previously, he was a professor at George Washington University, where from 2001-05, he directed the Elliott School’s Institute for European, Russian & Eurasian Studies. He has served as a director for Russian, Ukrainian, and Eurasian Affairs on the National Security Council Staff, and he has held appointments or fellowships at the Library of Congress, Brookings, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the Transatlantic Academy at the German Marshall Fund, the Hoover Institution, and the Stanford Center for International Security and Cooperation. He has authored or co-authored four books, and he has received the Edgar Furniss Book Award and the Georgetown University Lepgold Book Prize. Stephen Kinzer is an award-winning foreign correspondent who has covered more than 50 countries on five continents. His articles and books have led the Washington Post to place him “among the best in popular foreign policy storytelling.” Kinzer spent more than 20 years working for the New York Times, most of it as a foreign correspondent. His foreign postings placed him at the center of historic events and, at times, in the line of fire. Kori Schake leads the foreign and defense policy team at the American Enterprise Institute. She is the author of Safe Passage: the Transition from British to American Hegemony, and a contributing writer at the Atlantic, War on the Rocks, and Bloomberg. Before joining AEI, Dr. Schake was the deputy director-general of the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London. She has had a distinguished career in government, working at the US State Department, the US Department of Defense, and the National Security Council at the White House. She has also taught at Stanford, West Point, Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies, National Defense University, and the University of Maryland. Connect with The Eisenhower Institute http://www.facebook.com/eisenhowerinstitute http://www.twitter.com/eigbc http://www.eisenhowerinstitute.org

Eisenhower Institute at Gettysburg College

2 years ago

Emma Padrick: Good evening everyone and thank you for joining us virtually for the Eisenhower Institute's panel: US foreign policy from Eisenhower to Reagan: Who did it serve, and what were the Consequences. The Eisenhower Institute at Gettysburg College is grounded in President Dwight D. Eisenhower's legacy of leadership and promotes nonpartisan discourse and critical analysis of issues of long term importance. Each year the Eisenhower Institute undergraduate fellow Fellows Program, excuse me,
offers a select group of Gettysburg College students the opportunity to develop their leadership skills and grow in their knowledge and understanding of public policy. During the 2020 to 2021, academic year, the undergraduate fellows have explored US foreign policy under President Eisenhower, with the guidance of professor Brendan Cushing Daniels, the Harold G Evans professor of Eisenhower Leadership Studies. Tonight, we bring you the first panel in a two part series to discuss the actions and r
epercussions of US foreign policy from the Eisenhower administration to the Reagan administration. I am honored to introduce our three panelists who will address the intersection of foreign policy, human rights, capitalism, and domestic policy. Dr James Goldgeier is a Robert Bosch senior visiting fellow at the Center on the United States and Europe at the Brookings Institution and a professor of international relations at the School of International Service at American University, where he serve
d as dean from 2011 to 2017. Previously, he was a professor at George Washington University, where he directed the Elliot School's Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies and cofounded the Summer Institute on conducting archival research. He has served as a director for Russian, Ukrainian, and Eurasian Affairs on the National Security Council staff, and he has held appointments or fellowships at the Library of Congress, the Brookings Institution, the Council on Foreign Relations, t
he Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the Transatlantic Academy at the German Marshall Fund, the Hoover Institution, and the Stanford Center for International Security and Cooperation. He has authored or co authored four books, and he has received the Edgar Furness Book Award, and the Georgetown University Lepgold Book Prize. He serves as a member of the State Department Historical Advisory Committee. Mr. Stephen Kinzer is an award winning foreign correspondent who has covered mor
e than 50 countries on five continents. His articles and books have led the Washington Post to place him, quote, "among the best in popular foreign policy storytelling." Kinser spent more than 20 years working for The New York Times, most of it as a foreign correspondent. His foreign postings placed him at the center of historic events, and, at times, in the line of fire. He spent several of those years in Nicaragua, where he covered war and upheaval in Central America, and wrote two books about
the region. He spent much of the 1990s in Germany, covering the emergence of post-communist Europe, including wars in former Yugoslavia. After leaving the times in 2005, Kinzer taught journalism, political science and international relations at Northwestern University and Boston University. He is now a senior fellow at the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs at Brown University, and writes a world affairs column for the Boston Globe. Dr Kori Schake leads the foreign and defens
e policy team at the American Enterprise Institute. She is the author of five books, including Safe Passage, the Transition from British to American Hegemony. Dr Schake has been widely published in policy journals in the popular press, including in cnn.com, Foreign Affairs, Politico, The New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and The Washington Post. She is a contributing writer at The Atlantic and War on the Rocks. Before joining AI, Dr Schake served as the Deputy Director General of the Inte
rnational Institute for Strategic Studies in London. She has had a distinguished career in government, working at the US State Department, the US Department of Defense, and the National Security Council at the White House. She has also taught at Stanford, Westpoint, Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies, National Defense University, and the University of Maryland. Thank you all for being here and sharing your expertise with us. Each panelist will share remarks for a
pproximately 15 minutes, followed by a few minutes for each panelist to respond to their fellow panelists remarks, we will conclude with a question and answer session, moderated by the Undergraduate Fellows. If you would like to submit a question, please use the q&a feature at the bottom of your screen. Dr Goldgeier will be the first to address the panel, followed by Mr Kinzer and Dr Shockey. Thank you. James Goldgeier: Great, well thank you so much. I really appreciate the introduction, and tha
nks to Professor Cushing Daniels for inviting me to join this panel. What a, what a great group and I'm very much looking forward to the questions from the students and others in the audience. On January 17, 1961, President Eisenhower spoke his farewell, as president to the American people, and sent a clear warning to his fellow citizens. "We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions," he said. "We must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence
, whether sought or unsought, by the military industrial complex. Our military organization," he went on to say, "bears little resemblance to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War Two, or Korea, he added. "The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist." President Eisenhower feared the weight of this military industrial complex could endanger democracy, and said that an informed citizenry is necessary to en
sure that the military industrial complex served, quote, "Our peaceful methods and goals." This speech was very important to President Eisenhower. He had considered giving it for two years, and originally was going to be giving it to the Congress and decided to speak directly to the American people, and a major question for this panel is was he right to be concerned? Is what we saw for the rest of the Cold War and after a product of unwarranted influence by the military industrial complex? The U
nited States has long been the global military superpower, with a reach across the entire world and now has a defense budget of well over $700 billion per year. Since that speech that President Eisenhower gave in 1961, the United States went to war in Vietnam in the 1960s and 70s, carried out not one but two major wars against Iraq since 1991, has been at war in Afghanistan for two decades. And throughout the Cold War and after engaged in numerous smaller, smaller operations around the world. NA
TO, which was formed in 1949 to combat the USSR, has now lived on 30 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the US maintains a robust set of military alliances in East Asia. Is all of this because an uninformed citizenry has been asleep at the switch, allowing the military industrial complex to run wild? I want to give you three reasons why I think it's not them but us and our elected leaders who are responsible for the United States and its engagement in the world. Reason number one,
the lesson of the 20th century, was that the United States has to be number one in order to keep the peace. Second, we periodically fear that we are about to lose that position, which sometimes leads to savvy diplomatic moves, but occasionally leads to disastrous foreign policy decisions. And three, it's not just top executives at defense corporations who benefit from military activity. Communities across the country have grown dependent on the defense industry for jobs and their elected leader
s know this. So let me start with the lesson of the 20th century, and it's really basically one big lesson boiled down simply to post-1919 bad, post-1945 good. That's the lesson that America certainly American elites have learned and I think the broader public - public opinion polls show that the public has largely taken this lesson on board as well. The United States intervened in World War One, and when it was over, returned to its traditional isolationism. The result was another world war 20
years later. Post-1919 bad. The United States stayed engaged after 1945, and the result was a free and prosperous West. Post-1945 good. So when the Cold War ended, the United States took those lessons to try to expand the community of democracies and saw the United States as central to the effort through the military arrangements forged during the Cold War. Why, for example, did NATO, formed during the Cold War, last after the Cold War was over? It lasted because it was the way the United States
could stay in charge of European security, which was something important not just to the United States, but to many Europeans, especially in Eastern Europe. What would happen if the United States didn't stay in charge of European security? Americans believed we'd have wars like the one in Yugoslavia breaking out all over the continent. The lesson of the 20th century for American elites - and I would suggest for many in the broader public - is that without the US in charge, as my Brookings colle
ague Bob Kagan puts it, the jungle grows back. Could President Eisenhower have ever imagined that the United States would still be militarily involved in Europe to keep the peace in 2021? Doubtful. Would he imagine if it was, that it was because of the military industrial complex? Maybe. But I think it's more about what we tell ourselves about the world needing America. When he said an informed citizenry was necessary because it would ensure the military industrial complex served peaceful goals,
well, we tell ourselves that peace requires us to be in charge. To take another example, look what happened when Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990. The United States took it upon itself to forge an international coalition to reverse that invasion. Why? The whole post World War Two international system, centered around the United Nations, was designed to prevent big countries from invading and taking territory from their neighbors, and that's what was at stake in 1990. What did George HW Bush draw upo
n when arguing the US needed to galvanize the international community to stop Saddam Hussein? The 1930s, arguing that we stood by as Hitler started taking territory, and look what happened. We couldn't do that again, so President Bush drew a line in the sand. Second, we periodically fear we are about to lose our position. When the Soviet Union launched Sputnik in 1957 it was a huge shock. If the Soviets were ahead of us, technologically, we might lose the Cold War, the United States responded wi
th a massive technological response, much of which did a tremendous amount of good and many of us benefit from these efforts, including more funding for basic research at our universities, as well as the effort to be the first to land a person on the moon. The fear that the Soviet Union might overtake the United States was a key rationale for the Nixon-Kissinger policy of detant to find accommodation with which with what they viewed as the rising power. And during the Cold War this fear led to t
he belief that a loss of any part of the world to Soviet influence was unacceptable to the United States, and led us in the proxy wars all over the globe. And, as Mr Kinzer has written in his book Overthrow, to overthrow regimes in many places. The most egregious decision resulting from this fear of losing America's position was the Vietnam War, and the belief that if South Vietnam sell to communist forces, the rest of Asia would follow like falling dominoes and communists would soon be in San F
rancisco. And what a disastrous decision that was. But this fear also led to clever diplomacy, most notably the opening to China during the Nixon administration as a means of using our relationship with both the Soviet Union and China against those two other nations. That fear of losing our position to the Soviets was replaced in the late 1980s by our fear that we would lose our position to the Japanese who had risen to the number two economy in the world and seem to be on a path to rise even fu
rther. The result of that fear was the belief in the United States that America needed to remain militarily dominant after the end of the Cold War, not just to prevent a nuclear competitor like the Soviet Union had been but to prevent the rise of a new compare competitor like the Soviet Union had been, and not just to prevent the rise of adversarial regional hedgemonds like Iraq, but to prevent even our allies like Japan and Germany from dominating their respective regions. And that requires a l
ot of superpower. Today of course we're gearing up to begin believing that China will overtake the United States, and that the Chinese seek to impose a new international order to replace the American led international order that we have enjoyed for decades. And I would expect to see some mix of foolish decisions and clever diplomacy to resolve. And finally, community dependence on the defense sector. The Biden administration has called for a foreign policy for the middle class. That idea arose d
ue to the Trump phenomenon, and it goes something like this. US elites have overwhelmingly favored us Global Engagement since World War Two. Since the 1990s, US middle class lost out economically because of that engagement, and thus, the middle class came to believe that engagement was bad for them. Donald Trump took advantage of this sentiment, and won the presidency by promising America first. That's what the Democrats working for Joe Biden believe, and they are determined that to gain support
for American engagement, the administration needs to demonstrate that it is a foreign policy for the middle class. Well a foreign policy for the middle class means that people need to feel like they are gaining not losing jobs. With every state in the country dependent on the defense sector for jobs, how could the administration possibly cut the defense budget without harming the middle class? We could argue, I suppose, that this is part of what Eisenhower meant by a military industrial complex
, but I think normally when we use that term we think about executives at Lockheed Martin or Northridge, Northrop Grumman, or elsewhere, throwing money at members of Congress and candidates for president to win contracts for their next weapon system. And of course that is a legitimate concern. But I would suggest the problem is much deeper, much bigger and goes much deeper. We believe we are indispensable to global peace. Each generation finds a new country whose rise we fear will knock us off o
ur perch as the leading global power, and communities across the country depend on the defense sector for jobs. I don't see any of those three factors are likely to change anytime soon. Thank you. Stephen Kinzer: Well, rather than wait for an introduction, I'm just going to pick it up right there. You propose some fascinating ideas. That's enough for the whole evening right there. Let me try responding to a little of that. So I was interested in your observation that you are quoting from one of
our friends, that when the United States does not rule the world, then the jungle comes back. I would argue the opposite, that we are the jungle. The jungle is a world with no rules where there's bombing and invasion and occupation and countries just decide that they can unleash violence on their own and don't feel the need to follow rules that they impose on other countries, that's us. So I would say, taking back from what you just heard from Professor Goldgeier. Pre-1998 good, post-1998 bad. S
o, I completely agree with the paradigm with what you've just been presented. The United States believes itself to be the guarantor of peace and freedom in the world. When we're not running the world there's chaos, and when we are there's at least some order. Only we see ourselves this way, the rest of the world doesn't see us that way; they see us as the greatest threat to global security and order. The idea that the United States has to be number one, is the idea that causes more upheaval in t
he world than any other. It's been particularly acute, since the end of the Cold War. Then, around 1990, we really had the chance to dismantle the institutions that were created to deal with a particular situation that no longer existed. That was the moment for us to disband NATO, for example, as a military institution to begin looking at the world in a new way. Instead we did the opposite. We, we look for new ways to dominate everybody. I would also argue against the paradigm that you heard abo
ut the two World Wars. What happened after World War One was bad because we became isolationist; what happened after World War Two was good because we decided to run the world. If the United States had never entered World War One, the European powers would have found ultimately some balance among themselves. Instead we entered on one side, made sure that one side got 100% of the victory, and the other side got zero, that's what created World War Two. World War One is the founding catastrophe of
our modern age without World War One, there's no Nazi, no Holocaust, no communism in the Soviet Union. Almost everything we've known about the last 100 years, wouldn't have happened, and American intervention is sometimes thought of as something that was positive, to help shape the world after World War One, there are many other ways to look at. Now, let me just go back to the Eisenhower administration, which is where we want to start our story, at least for for tonight's discussion. There's gre
at admiration, up to this day, for President Eisenhower's wonderful speech about the military industrial complex. As you may know, in the original version of that speech he called it the military industrial congressional complex; he cut off congressional at the end because he didn't want to alienate members of Congress, but he was absolutely right, it is a military industrial congressional complex. So, Eisenhower is seen in that speech as warning against hubris against excessive American militar
y involvement in the world. But that's only partly true. So let's go back to Eisenhower's security policy, as you all know it was called the new look. Eisenhower was one of those old time Republicans who believed in small budgets. One of the kinds of small budgets he believed in was small military budgets, he didn't want there to be a big military establishment. And that was the new look. So the new look had two fundamental columns to foundations. One was a smaller and cheaper, military, and the
other was nuclear deterrent so you wouldn't need such a big military. In fact, the new law had three, not two fundamental pillars. It was the smaller military and the bigger nuclear deterrent as the public saw, but there was a third column, and that was covert action. President Eisenhower was a huge supporter of covert action. And when he warned against the military industrial complex, what he was really saying is don't fight wars overthrow governments by covert means we don't often hear that b
ecause he didn't say that as part of his speech, but that's what he meant. Eisenhower was a very tough guy behind that smile. He was a tremendous supporter of the kind of covert action that has produced the greatest catastrophes for the United States over the last 70 years. When he first came into office, within a year, he had already overthrown the democratically elected government of Iran. A few months later, he overthrew the democratically elected government of Guatemala. He thought this was
a great idea -when you don't like a government, it doesn't matter if it's democratic, we send the CIA, we destroy that democracy. The result of Eisenhower's destruction of Guatemala as a democratic country was a civil war that lasted for more than 30 years, killed hundreds of thousands of people, more people that were killed in all of Latin America combined during those 30 years. His overthrow of the government of Iran was a catastrophe that has led us to the Iran that we have now, Iran was on i
ts way to democracy before Dwight Eisenhower got his hands on Iran, and everything you've seen since then a quarter of a century of the Shahs dictatorship, led by 40, followed by 40 years of intensely anti-American rule by fanatical mullahs who spent decades trying to undermine everything American stands for. That all goes back to the Eisenhower administration. Why did he do that? Why was Eisenhower such a fervent believer in covert action? Well, we don't know for sure. Because Eisenhower never
explained his rationale. In fact, he never even admitted that he carried out, or was in favor of or know anything about covert action. In his memoirs he lies explicitly about these operations in Guatemala, Iran, and others that he carried out everywhere from Indonesia to the Congo and other places, he would have said, if we could talk to him now, "I wasn't lying. I was guarding the secrets of the United States." So we don't know why Eisenhower favorite covert action so intensely, but based on hi
story of his biography, we can come up with a couple of answers. First of all, covert action played an important role in winning World War Two. We didn't know that - nobody knew it. But there were all kinds of operations, including, famously, the stealing of the Nazi code machines, that were very valuable to the Allied World War Two effort now Eisenhower, as Commander of the Allied Forces in the Second World War, would certainly have been aware of this, so he would have come into office with a g
reat belief in the efficacy of covert action. Secondly, Eisenhower hated the idea of war. He had had to send thousnads of kids off to die. And this affected him. We have cases of him almost being completely overcome by emotion. When thinking about the kids that died at D-Day and all the bodies that he saw, he understood it - the moral burden that he had to bear for sending so many Americans off to die. When he got into the presidency, and he began to hear these stories about covert action, that
you could overthrow a government secretly without an invasion, without a war, with only modest casualties, he was fascinated. So he would have thought of things like the overthrow of a democratic government in Iran or the overthrow of a democratic government in Guatemala as peace projects. These were ways to avoid a war with a threatening country. Here you could do it secretly nobody would know, it wouldn't cost anything, not many people would die and you'd get the result you wanted, you got rid
of a government union, like. So, Eisenhower thought this was a perfect solution. And after those two operations succeeded in overthrowing leaders that Americans didn't like, he wanted to continue further. Now, why did we not like those leaders? Why did we not like President our bends in Guatemala? Why did we not like Prime Minister Mossadegh in Iran? Well, of course, you can't get yourself out of the Cold War context, where we feared that every threat to American power was promoted by the Kreml
in. Besides that, however, both of those leaders committed a great sin in the eyes of the United States, and that is they put the interest of their own country ahead of the interests of the United States. President Arbenz of Guatemala decided that it was more important for starving Guatemalan families to have land than it was for the United Fruit to have large amounts of land that it didn't use. Prime Minister Mossadegh in Iran decided to since Iranians were sitting on a giant ocean of oil, and
Iranians were living in some of the most miserable conditions in the world because all that oil money was going elsewhere, it wasn't fair, and there should be a new arrangement whereby Iran would benefit from its own resources. This, these two operations in the early 1950s, the overthrow of the government of Iran and Guatemala, were part of a global war that Eisenhower waged, among others, and he was waging it on behalf of the economic interests that control the world. If the producing countries
, countries like Guatemala and Iran were able to start seizing control of their own resources and fixing prices by which they would share those resources with the consuming countries, the entire way the world was governed would be destroyed. Eisenhower considered that to be a fundamental interest of the United States. Upon taking office Eisenhower appointed two brothers to run his foreign policy. One was John Foster Dulles who became Secretary of State, and Dulles his younger brother, Allen Dull
es became the head of the CIA. Both of these men and served for years in the principal law firm, defending and representing the interests of American corporations in the world. That law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell, was not really a law firm as we think of law firms, it had a different, a different goal. It was the law firm that American corporations would hire when they got into trouble in other countries. And this law firm had ways to intervene around the world and force countries to do what Am
erican corporations wanted. When those two brothers came into power they were the ones who brought Eisenhower this idea that covert action was the way to defend American interests in the world, and that American interests in the world were identical to the interests of American corporations in the world. Now you just heard some discussion about World War Two, I think the United States learned two terrible lessons from World War Two, two lessons we never should have learned, two wrong lessons and
we're still well under the burden of those two lessons. They can be symbolized with simple phrases. First lesson is Pearl Harbor. What does it mean? It means America might think it's safe, but there's always somebody out there waiting to attack us by surprise at any moment. If there's even 1% of a chance that any country should attack us, that was our enemy, we must attack first. The world is full of enemies, United States is a poor, attacked surrounded country with enemies everywhere. That's t
he terrible lesson of Pearl Harbor, which leads us to see the world exactly the opposite of the way that it is. The second lesson we learned from World War Two is described in a single word, Munich. Now Munich, as you all remember was the place where Hitler met with the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, and Chamberlain afterwards said, "We can have peace in our time." Now the lesson of Munich should have been that Neville Chamberlain was wrong to trust Adolf Hitler. But that's not the
lesson we learned. The lesson we learned is diplomacy is always bad. Diplomacy is stupid diplomacy is a way for other people to take advantage of it, so don't negotiate. Just fight. In the Cold War context these were very appealing concepts. Eisenhower failed to consider two important factors. And if he were here today and we were to ask him, Why did you carry out those covert actions that wound up throwing whole regions of the world into chaos and causing not only men suffering to the target co
untry, but also great damage to American security over the long run? I think he might say, first of all this. "You people now in 2021 have a lot of understanding of the long term effects of covert action. You know that when you release a wheel at the top of a hill, you can't control where it's going to bounce or how it's going to end and these covert operations have terrible unpredictable enemies; we didn't know that then. There hadn't been any covert overthrows of governments before I came into
office, there was no CIA in the days before me before Eisenhower, and we want to overthrow a government we sent in the Marines, so we didn't know that there would be so many unpredicted consequences." And the second thing I think he might say, is something that's even more important for us today and that is this. "When you can understand what lies ahead. We should be careful. Don't assume we're the United States, don't worry, whatever it happens we'll be able to control it." This was the George
W Bush idea invading Iraq. "I don't know much about Sunni or Shia, but whatever it is, I know we had times back in Texas where we had two guys that wanted to be the postmaster and I worked it out and we'll work it out over there too. So it's often said the American people are ignorant about the world." And that's true. In fact, I would argue that it is exactly American ignorance that allowed Eisenhower's policies to be promoted and imposed. If it weren't for public ignorance Eisenhower's policy
of covert action could not have succeeded. Public knowledge of what the United States was doing would have destroyed Eisenhower's foreign policy. He needed secrecy, otherwise there can't be covert action. So I think the longer term error that Eisenhower made, and it's one we're still making today, is to think that if we don't know what's coming in the future, it's okay to go ahead anyway, because we're America, we can control everything. And whatever problems come up in the end, we'll figure it
out. Eisenhower might have been the last president to believe that he certainly was the last president to believe you can carry out covert operations, like the ones in Iran and Guatemala, and nobody would ever find out about it. We're now living not only with the consequences of Eisenhower's covert operations, but with the consequences of so many other covert operations by subsequent presidents who carried out those operations in part because they were following the model of Eisenhower. These a
re all factors we need to bear in mind as we assess the long term impact of Eisenhower's foreign policy and what effect it;s had on the world in which we know that I'm gonna leave it there. Thanks. Kori Schake: So, I think I'm up next, and, and my own views come a lot closer to Jim Goldgeier's on the nature of the international order. And I want to try and pull you all into what the world felt like in 1952 when Dwight Eisenhower became president, because one of my very favorite historians, David
McCullough, always challenges the rest of us, that history, the art of writing history is the art of trying to understand the world as people saw it at that time. So, not, they didn't know how things were going to come out, and they were living in a crazy time. I mean, imagine yourselves 40 years from now, trying to explain to people what the COVID pandemic was like, that a half a million Americans were going to die, and our lives would be disrupted. This way, they will know what eventually hap
pened, right, whether the United States was able to come up with a vaccine, whether we had the broad mindedness to vaccinate countries of the global south and people who were not Americans, they will know how the contest of a rising China was handled, all of those things that we are having to navigate without knowing an endpoint. So I want to take you back to that period. The first important thing I think about the frame of reference of Eisenhower and his colleagues was that they had witness two
global conflagrations in their lifetime. And whatever we may think of why the United States should or shouldn't have entered World War One and Two, the lesson that President Eisenhower and the people who were helping craft his policies took from that experience was that the United States had tried a policy of not caring about the rest of the world in the 1930s, and that allowed threats to gather of such a magnitude that we had to muster 10 million Americans into the military, and fight in two c
ompletely unconnected theatres of warfare for our very survival. The international order that they tried to create with universal values and security guarantees to other countries, and military alliances, and international institutions, what they were trying to do was build a wider margin of error for early identification of problems that were coming up, and the ability of countries to cooperate to manage those threats. That's how you get the NATO alliance, that's how you get the United Nations.
The United States was a major advocate of assisting countries that we believed could be democratic because we thought those countries made the international order, safer, that is that they were less likely to provoke wars of aggression. Now the political science on that in our modern age is a lot murkier. But, but that's what they thought the world they were living in was. And the wartime alliance with the Soviet Union turns out to have the shocking end product of Soviet conquests and retention
of control of Eastern Europe, in a way that didn't just surprise Eisenhower and his colleagues, it worried them about the rest of the international order. Namely, if you think the lesson of the 1930s is by ignoring threats and allowing them to pick up momentum, the United States ends up in a much more dangerous place than trying to defang those threats, while they are still nascent. One of the very best - so, Stephen said that we don't know what Eisenhower thinks about a lot of these things, bu
t he did actually leave pretty good records, and those records are the conversations of the National Security Council when debating what US strategy should be, and I commend all of you to go online to the foreign relations of the United States record series, so Jim Goldgeier is a consultant to the State Department's historians, and they publish troves of documents, including the minutes of conversations that President Eisenhower and his cabinet had over these issues. The way to find them is to l
ook for a document called NSC-5501 -That was the Eisenhower administration's 1954 National Security Strategy, and it's the best one our country has ever written, and they actually even executed it. What they thought they were doing was trying to - so I'm sorry, one other thing I should have also mentioned that's really important in the shape of the international order in the early 1950s, and that is that because of both World War Two and our allegiance with other democratic countries, in partic
ular Britain and France, that the end of empires, the creation of independent countries throughout in particular, Asia and Africa - the Eisenhower administration worried desperately, that we were going to be associated with countries that had committed depredations as imperial powers. They weren't so much so that when Great Britain offered the United States troops to fight in the Pacific theater of war in World War Two, the United States turned them down because we were afraid we were going to b
e associated with British imperial control of India, of what is now Pakistan, and other countries. So, they understood that it wasn't just American power that mattered in shaping of the international order, it was the importance of ideals that they really felt like a world where communism dominated the emergent countries, the United States wouldn't be safe, that it would be a replay of the 1930s. And there are lots of reasons, we can, lots of ways and reasons we can criticize those judgments, bu
t they were quite sincere in trying to protect and advance the country's interests and Eisenhower, as both Stephen and Jim have pointed out, really believed that the threat of militarizing this challenge was almost on par with the threat of the challenge itself. Eisenhower at one point says that "The country deserves both security and solvency." He set an arbitrary top line for the defense budget of $54 billion. And at one point his close friend, Admiral Ridgeway, who was Chief of Staff of the A
rmy during the 1958 Berlin crisis tells President Eisenhower that he's going to go to Capitol Hill and argue that the Eisenhower administration undercut American security. We needed 100 more divisions in the army to be able to protect our interests in Europe. And Eisenhower tells his old friend that won't change the number of divisions in the army, it will just change the Chief of Staff, meaning he was going to fire General Ridgeway if he did that because it would completely undercut a strategy
of security and solvency. Now, in this discussion about what US strategy should be, Eisenhower strongly believed that the nuclear age, the emergence of US and Soviet nuclear arsenals created what he called the stability of the stalemate, that it made very unlikely an actual war between the Soviet Union and the United States, and this comes through very clearly during the 1958 Berlin crisis where Eisenhower sends a message to Khrushchev saying, "If you want to war over Berlin, I'll give it to you
," and refuses to do to undertake any preparations or increases in military spending, because he it was the start of a negotiation of what the Soviets were actually after in doing this in Berlin. Unknown: And, and so he thought the great powers had the stability of the stalemate. And he also thought that the where their interests in other in deep, abiding alliances, like the NATO alliance, or the US Japan treaty, where those were clear there was also very little risk of war. What he worried abou
t were what he called Small wars; countries like Indonesia, like Guatemala, where the United States didn't have a deep and abiding interest in the direction of the country, but also couldn't afford not to care at all. This is the trap of the Eisenhower strategy and I would suggest to you, the United States still hasn't solved this problem. It is the vexing strategic challenge, not what you do at the high end, not what you do at the low end. What do you do for those countries that you feel have t
he ability to create an international order where our adversaries have momentum of the kind that that is a gathering storm for problems that could become big, and we have to deal with? That's why Eisenhower finds covert action so attractive because he campaigned against American involvement in the Korean War, believed you shouldn't fight a conventional war unless you were willing to actually, as he called it, "push all your chips into the pot and cross the nuclear threshold," and he didn't belie
ve that Indonesia Guatemala were countries that merited risking a nuclear war, but he also didn't believe you couldn't do anything. And I share Stephen's condemnation of a lot of the choices the administration made, but I would challenge you students to come up with a better answer. Because there's a reason the Reagan administration goes back to covert operations, even when, as Stephen points out, there's zero probability of them remaining covert, because the actual problem, the strategic trap i
s what do you do about those countries you don't care enough to risk American soldiers to defend, but you do care that they not be added into an anti-American international order? The solution the best solution is the one Jim Goldgeier has long been such an ardent and effective advocate for, which is alliance relationships, security guarantees from the United States that make countries feel safe enough and deter adversaries. That's the stabilizing solution. And while I agree, as both James and S
tephen pointed out, that Eisenhower would have been shocked to find American troops still stationed in Europe 70 years after he put them there, he would nonetheless be deeply grateful for 70 years of peace in Europe, and think that the small price of forward stationing of American troops and continued hand holding with our closest friends in the world was the best of many possible solutions for the strategic trap that he worried most about. And I'll stop there. Maddie Casey: Okay, um, if either
of the panelists would like to respond at this time to Dr Schake's comment. James Goldgeier: Well, I mean, I've really enjoyed both presentations. I'm eager to get to the student questions so I hope we can go to that quickly, I guess I just one thing I would just say in response to both is just let's add in the sort of the demand side of this other countries wanting the United States to be involved. That's not always a good thing for the United States, but we should also think about why it is th
at other countries want us to be involved when it comes to our allies, for example, our European allies, you know, most of those countries in Europe they want us to be in Europe, the South Koreans want us to be assisting them in East Asia, the Japanese want us to be there. So, you know, the question is, in some of these cases where you have regimes like the type that Stephen Kinzer described some some of these regimes are when Kori Schake was talking about, they, you know, countries that that ar
en't at the top level and they're not at the bottom level this sort of mid level, which is a great way to way to think about it, you know, what happens when these regimes are corrupt? You know, we're sort of intervening on the, you know, we don't know a lot about them, we're intervening to try to prop up regimes that we think are on our side but are in often cases just using us to deal with their enemies in ways that they're not able to, and I think, great to hear Cory charge the students with f
iguring out a solution to dealing with countries that were, that we think are important enough that we should be involved, not important enough that we would send American troops to fight, but where we think outcomes will matter to US interests, and. ,you know what's the best way to, to manage those problems. Stephen Kinzer: I would say that looking at those countries kind of in that middle level - countries that don't pose a imminent threat to the United States but where we fear that they might
at some point be part of an enemy alliance, our answer has always been, what do we do with those countries? We crush them, we destroy them, we devastate them. It's very sanitary for us to be looking at Guatemala, or Iran, or countries that Eisenhower also devastated like, Laos and Burma and the Congo and India and Vietnam and so many other places and say, "Well, we had to make a choice so we decided we should intervene to be sure that maybe something bad wouldn't happen." But we never intervene
to promote democracy. Whenever countries emerge that wanted to promote democracy, they were our enemies. Iran's only sin was that it wanted to become a democratic country, same thing in Indonesia, same thing in the Congo, same thing in Guatemala, so I don't think it's right to say, we were trying to encourage democracies to emerge. Democracies always have a problem for the United States and especially during the Eisenhower administration. Democracies, challenge the economic power of American co
rporations that are the underpinning of the US economy and as we thought of it, the world economy, Kori Schake: I just don't think it's true, right, if you think about the two great democracies that emerged in the 1950s - they're Germany and Japan, and the Eisenhower administration was primarily focused on allowing the emergence of democracies in Europe, in Japan, and if, and pushing South Korea onto that path, so it's not true that democracy, that they were ardently against democracy, and I als
o think it's not true that Iran in 1958 was a uniquely virtuous government that was headed on a path to respect of its own people, I think that the story is more complicated than that. Stephen Kinzer: Well, we'll just let the students follow those courses fine. Maddie Casey: All right, thank you to our panelists for giving us their perspectives. I'm Maddie I'm one of the undergraduate fellows. Jenna Thoretz: And my name is Jenna, I'm another one of the undergraduate fellows, and we will be moder
ating the q&a session tonight, so please, any audience members if you have any questions, feel free to drop them in the q&a box at the bottom of your screen. Maddie Casey: So our first question is for Mr Kinzer, and we were wondering if you could provide the audience with some specific context of some of the consequences in terms of human rights crises within countries in which the United States made the decision to intervene. Additionally, if you could potentially discuss whether or not you thi
nk that there's a prevailing double standard regarding the United States' involvement in other countries Stephen Kinzer: I don't know how many more hours we have, but let me try to answer that very briefly. So, first of all, what about the long term impact, so let me just pick out a couple. The United States decided that the government of Guatemala in 1954 was threatening to the United States - for whatever reasons that are subject of a whole other discussion - we intervene, we overthrew the onl
y democratic government Guatemala has ever had. Soon after that there was a rebellion against the government that we imposed. That rebellion led to a civil war that civil war, tore Guatemala apart, and I was a I witnessed to the savagery and brutality that was set off for 30 years in that terribly suffering country. That wouldn't have happened if Eisenhower had said, "Hey, the Guatemalans made their own choice and I don't care about United Fruit Company." So, Iran was another case. In Iran, the
government decided it wanted to nationalize an oil company that was owned by foreign interest the United States and the British decided to intervene. Since then there's been no democracy in Iran, Iran had 25 years of military dictatorship and then 40 years of religious rule. And both of these operations and wound up in ultimately undermining American security, American intervention in Indonesia set off a trail of events that exploded in the mid 1960s in a horrific pogrom that resulted in the sla
ughter of something like a million people by the Indonesian government. So, when you intervene in these countries militarily, from the outside without understanding the domestic dynamics, you set off processes that no one can control, and we don't care to control them. We don't even try to control them. As long as the right person is in control in Iran or in Guatemala or in Indonesia or in the Congo, we're happy. We don't care about what's happening to the people there. And that brings us to our
next question, which is the double standard. I used to be a great supporter of the human rights movement, but now I see human rights is being used as a weapon to attack certain countries and then give other countries a pass. So yes, I do think the United States has a double standard when it comes to judging countries on human rights issues, I think we have all these lists of countries that support terrorism, countries that allow money laundering, countries that allow trafficking of human beings
. We've got 20 lists of bad countries, but we don't start, for example, in our terrorist list by saying which countries are terrorist, we put them on the terrorist list, which countries are not terrorists, we don't put them on list. No, we don't do that, we start off by saying "What countries don't we like? Okay, all those countries don't like, you're suddenly on the list of countries that support terrorism, that support child trafficking, that support religious oppression, everything else. Coun
tries that we like, get a free pass." So I'm, I wanted this to finish by saying, making this one observation. So, when I teach classes about the Cold War, I try to tell my students, you have to put yourself back in the craziness of that era, where Americans thought their whole country could be liquidated in a single minute, and therefore any sacrifice was justified. But no matter how much I tell my students, we have to try to put yourself back in this mindset, sometimes I think even I cannot suc
ceed in putting myself back in that mindset because it was such a bizarre time, so different from what we know. All I would say is this: Cold War stories have now looked back with all the information we've had in the last 20 years and many of them have concluded this, who was responsible for the Cold War? It was probably both countries up through the end of the Stalin period. When Stalin died in 1953 the United States had a chance to review its foreign policy and see if we needed to continue thi
s hostility, but largely because of domestic American politics we were not able to do that, and the Cold War continued for decades. We're in a similar situation now, domestic American politics make it impossible for us to reach out to China, reach out to Iran, reach out to Russia, and that is something that we're suffering under the previous presidents also had to deal with. Kori Schake: Can I just add that it's not actually true that most historians believe American domestic politics are the re
ason that the cold war continued after 1953 Soviet behavior had a lot to do with it. Stephen Kinzer: Okay. Jenna Thoretz: Thank you. And to that point actually and to follow up with that, um, to Dr Schake, what what sort of evidence is there that countries like Guatemala and Iran were genuinely in danger of being overcome by anti-American sentiment, and if there was genuine danger, to what extent does that justify US interventions and actions within those countries? Kori Schake: Okay, so that's
a fantastic question, and I can't speak to Guatemala. I don't know the case well enough, and maybe Stephen would like to speak to that, since he's written extensively on it. In the case of Iran, it wasn't anti-American sentiment that was driving the concern about Mossadegh, it was the direction of the government and its relationship with the Soviet Union, the nationalization of the oil company. And we worried that we couldn't protect Turkey, for example, or Greece or the approaches of the Medite
rranean to protect Spain if Iran became a satellite of the Soviet Union. We were worried about what that would do in the Middle East. We already had begun to have relationships with Saudi Arabia and others. And so for the Eisenhower administration, they, this, this business about dominoes falling felt real to them, and Stephen's earlier point, I think is a really good one about how hard it is to transport yourself back into how scary that time period felt. You know, Eisenhower writes in his diar
y in 1958 that if the Soviet Union were if we knew the Soviet Union were readying its nuclear weapons for a launch on the United States, he debated what he would do, and determined that he would actually have to let hundreds of thousands of Americans be killed because he didn't have the constitutional authority to unilaterally start a war with the Soviet Union. I mean, an American president hasn't had to think those thoughts in a very long time. And coming off the experience of two worldwide con
flagrations in their lifetime, they were very worried about trends that about gathering storms, which is what Churchill titles one of his memoirs. And so the nationalization of the oil industry was, I think, the trigger again I'd welcome James' and Stephen's views on this, but in Iran, the nationalization of the oil companies made the Eisenhower administration believe that Iran was going to become a communist government and be associated with the Soviet Union in a way that would be damaging to A
merican interests. I personally think overthrowing the government was a bad idea, but that's what they, that's what I think they were thinking, but I'd welcome other views. James Goldgeier: I mean, what I would just like to add is just when we, when we talk about intervention American intervention during the Cold War, I mean, there's a range of intervention, a lot of things that we don't - you know, we're talking about cases that clearly went awry for the United States, I mean the United States,
you know, in the post World War Two period has not had a successful Iran policy, I mean there was, there was the relationship with the Shah, but that didn't, you know, obviously that was not a long term effective policy for the United States and we talked about places like Guatemala, you know, or GLA, with the election of Salvador Allende that the United States, then opposed and led to the, the role of General Pinochet, I mean, you know, these are, these are mistakes of American policy but we h
ave to broaden what we think of as our definition of intervention. We intervened in Western Europe with the Marshall Plan, because we were worried that those countries were going to fall to domestic communist forces, if the government's there failed to provide for their citizens. We intervened in South Korea to save South Korea after the invasion by the North supported by the, by China and the Soviet Union. Intervention of Vietnam was a disastrous mistake, I mean, we made some disastrous mistake
s, we also had some enormous successes. And so I think the real challenge is thinking about what are the different tools that the United States has at its disposal and really trying to understand, you know, what it's trying to achieve and what mix of those tools is most likely to produce good outcomes for US interests and also for the interest of the people in the countries involved. But I think we really have to broaden the discussion to the different types of intervention and the successes as
well as the failures that we're really going to be able to evaluate US foreign policy. Stephen Kinzer: Talking about broadening the discussion, I would just say that it's dangerous. Every time you see a data gathering storm you say, "Okay we got to act." We feel that we understand what's happening in the world, but in many cases we don't. There was absolutely no danger of Mossadegh bringing Iran into the Soviet orbit most of the deck was an elderly feudal landlord who despised all socialist and
communist ideas. We didn't really know that. Now, it's often said Americans are ignorant about the world which is certainly true, but many people in many other countries are also ignorant about the world, that's not lamented because that's our business we try to educate people, but it's not necessarily bad, it doesn't hurt the world. Ignorance alone is not the problem. If people in Bolivia, don't know anything about, say, the Middle East, that's a shame because the Middle East is interesting, bu
t it doesn't hurt anybody; the United States, on the other hand, act on its ignorance, we don't know anything about the Congo or Indonesia or Iran or Guatemala, but we act, we lash out. We lash out against Iraq, we lash out against countries that we see as enemies. And because we act on our ignorance, our ignorance is more dangerous than the ignorance of people in other countries. Maddie Casey: Okay, thank you to our panelists for those responses. So our next question is somewhat directed at Dr
Goldgeier, but any panelist is welcome to respond. We were wondering if you could provide us with some of the domestic context within the United States in this period, specifically in terms of anti-communist sentiment and how such sentiment was used both in the interventions that we've discussed previously and in, as a means to sabotage American civil rights movements, and also if you could briefly discuss the political movement McCarthyism and how that movement contributed to incentives for Ame
rican politicians during this period to weaponize anti-communist rhetoric in order to consolidate political power. James Goldgeier: Wow, okay- Stephen Kinzer: Do that in two minutes, please! James Goldgeier: Those are all those are all great issues, and I think, you know, the political establishment, people like President Eisenhower deserve criticism for the way in which Senator McCarthy was handled. But, you know, and it's not just Republicans, I mean there are Democrats, Robert Kennedy worked
for Senator McCarthy, and the Kennedy's own responses were insufficient as well to that effort to basically go after all sorts of individuals on, what in the vast majority of these cases were trumped up charges that they were, you know, in cahoots with the Soviet Union are somehow a threat to the United States, and of course that had huge implications and in the State Department and academia and Hollywood, and elsewhere. I think it's interesting really to think about the role that anti-communism
played within each political party during the Cold War. It certainly became an important glue to hold the republican party together, and a party that, you know, both political parties have distinct wings. And you know, lots of, you know, challenges for the direction of the particular party and what anti-communism gave the Republican Party was a way to come together and to, you know, argue that the central task of the United States was to combat the Soviet Union. On the Democratic side, it's int
eresting because presidents like Harry Truman and John F Kennedy, were viewed as tough on national security as tough anti-communists and, you know, were seeing as important figures in in the cold war against the Soviet Union, what happens within the Democratic Party is really the huge splits that erupt because of the Vietnam War and the peace movement within the Democratic Party, the opposition to what the United States was doing the belief that, you know, rather than being a force for good in t
he world, that the United States was the problem in the world, and that, and so you had the wing that believed that the United States was too much at fault and too strident in its Cold War activity against the Soviet Union becomes ascendant in the Democratic Party in the early 1970s and shapes the future of that party for 20 years with respect to the fact that it could only win the presidency once and that was the presidency of Jimmy Carter, which was largely a response to the Watergate affair b
ut otherwise, in that latter part of the Cold War, the Republican Party became seen as the party of national security because it was seen domestically, as the party that took the Soviet threat seriously and and was willing to combat it. And what enables the Democratic Party to emerge then, as the party that, in fact, you know, not only can win the presidency but now has won the popular vote for presidents for President every time since the 1992 election except once, is that the charge that the D
emocrats were soft on Communism which emerges in the 1970s is no longer relevant. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, and so Bill Clinton, you know, Governor from Arkansas, with little experience in world affairs, runs for president in 1992 and wins in a way that he really could not have had those elections had he been running in the 1980s. He was running against decorated war hero George HW Bush with significant international experience and had been vice president and then president for a t
erm, and people didn't care. But they would have cared if the Cold War had still been going on so the Cold War definitely shaped, both the politics of of that period, with the anti communist glue holding the Republicans together, the Democrats being tough in the Truman and Kennedy years and then splitting and being able to be successful again after 1992 because being soft on Communism didn't matter. And it was the Republicans who then split after the end of the Cold War because they lost the glu
e that held them together, and I have struggled with that ever since. Jenna Thoretz: Great, thank you so much for that response. And our next question is directed at Mr Kinzer and is focused on the role of the American press in all of these events so we'd like to ask, can you give us any specific examples of how the American Foreign Press represented or misrepresented the events in other countries and our role in political instability and other countries? And as a follow up to that, and to what
extent did this media coverage influence American citizens perceptions of communism abroad and perceptions of our own actions as a nation? Kori Schake: That's a great question! Unknown: It's really, it's too great, actually, because it's just that's too much to deal with. Let me just make a couple of observations. First of all, it's certainly true that the Cold War narrative was tremendously powerful. It's probably the most powerful national narrative in modern history. How was it held together?
Largely because of the press. You had Henry Luce, controlling access of more than half of Americans to what they heard about the world. And beyond that, a feeling on the part of many people in the press, that it was our job to promote the American interest. I think American journalism got into the habit during the Cold War thinking that America is essentially like a team. Everybody on the team has a different role, and the press has a particular role which is to make sure that the American peop
le are united behind a certain set of policies. I don't like this because I don't believe the press should be on anybody's team, the American people should be allowed to have free information and and not to be pushed towards certain conclusions. So I do think that the press, played a tremendous role in demonizing leaders in the world that the United States wanted to overthrow. If you read the American press you would think terrible things about Lumumba and Sukarno and Arbenz and Mossadegh. And t
his was not an accident. The director of the CIA was on the phone with the publisher of the New York Times and the president of US News and World Report in the heads of American networks all the time. The New York Times had a reporter in Guatemala Sidney Grusin who started writing about land reform and the desperate need of Guatemalans for land so they wouldn't start. He was pulled out of Guatemala, after the head of the CIA called a senior executive of the New York Times and got him pulled out,
so the press, promoted the anti-communist ideology and not by accident, it actually worked on both ends. It was the CIA, through what they called Operation Mockingbird, controlling what Americans read about the world, but the press was very eager to do this, the press did not have to be forced into doing it. I found a comment by an American Associated Press reporter in Indonesia, who was watching American covert dry air drops of weapons to revolutionaries trying to overthrow the government in I
ndonesia, and he later said, "We didn't write about it. Maybe it was a kind of patriotism that made us hold back." So we felt, essentially he was saying now I'm paraphrasing that this was an American project, we shouldn't be against it, so let's flash forward to the modern age without stopping, all the places along the way, the Iraq War was a great example of this. It was one of the most shameful episodes in the history of the American press. So, a survey was later taken of the several 100 leadi
ng American dailies, there wasn't a single one that opposed the American invasion of Iraq, there were some that were kind of half and half, just a few, but everybody was on board with a very few exceptions. So the press bought into this. We didn't pull back the way for example the Senate Foreign Relations Committee should have done but certainly the press should have done and said, "Wait a minute, everybody thinks this invading Iraq is a good idea, everybody thinks Iraq has weapons of mass destr
uction, but we're the press, we're not supposed to be like everybody, we're supposed to pick up the corner of the rug and see what's really in there and tell the stories that power does not want to be told." But the press didn't do that. The Press played its role as the stenographer of power, and that's one of the reasons why we find ourselves in the position we're in right now. May I add one quick point to that? Which is a reading recommendation for students. It's a novel written in 1958 called
The Ugly American. And it's one of my, it's not a good novel, but it's one of the best books about American foreign policy because it shows how visible to two angry national security experts in 1958, the mistakes that we were making in these wars of middle interest were, and it lays out an incredibly powerful case for a much more effective American foreign policy. And for students interested in how do you make good foreign policy, avoid the mistakes that they catalogue chapter by chapter in thi
s novel, and the press has an enormously powerful role to play in it. Maddie Casey: Okay, thank you for those comments from the panelists, we're now going to transition into some audience questions, briefly. So, one of our first questions. This might be best directed towards Dr Schake. Looking for it towards the next few decades, how would you advise future leaders to confront surmounting geopolitical issues that present unprecedented challenges, as well as addressed older ones that have yet to
be resolved? Additionally, with regards to a President's decision to undertake covert actions a version of both Congress and the consequences for his actions, or lack thereof seem to only serve as a template for future presidents to the same. Is presidential accountability necessary or has this trend become too ingrained in American leadership? Kori Schake: So three interesting very separate parts of the question. So first presidential accountability. I do believe it's been badly eroded by Congr
ess not exercising its constitutional powers of oversight and funding that we still have authorizations for the use of military force on the books from the 1990s, and we are using that 2001 authorization for purposes that was never intended to because Congress doesn't want to take a record on the record vote about what we should or shouldn't be doing, that's, that's terrible for democracy in America, and it makes for bad foreign policy as well. And the second piece of the question. I'm sorry I c
an't remember the second piece of the question I'll go to the first piece of the question, which was kind of, what do we do about gathering threats? You know, one of the things that Eisenhower understood, and, and that we don't give him enough credit for, was he believed that military force could freeze a situation, while the attractions of the American way of life created converts. He very often wasn't in a hurry. And he very often thought that when people saw the security and the prosperity th
at Americans enjoyed, the liberties that Americans enjoyed, that the magnetism of that was what was actually going to win the Cold War. And that, I think, is something we under invest in, and I agree with Stephen that we over militarized, a lot of the threats that we are concerned about, and I would suggest - I'd be interested whether Jim agrees with me on this - that America's tools of attraction, are, are as equally important, and we under invest in helping societies be successful in ways that
we are successful, that we, we think too little about how do we use the tools of free societies, transparency, the rule of law, accountability, does disparate dispersal of power that isn't centralized? How do we help countries do those things in ways that will shape their longer term prospects advantageously for them and advantageously for us? Stephen Kinzer: And to add to that, what about the de munition of our value as an example? I mean, how many people around the world are looking at us now
as the ideal society they want to become compared to how they were looking at us even a few years ago? James Goldgeier: Yeah, well, since Cory mentioned my, my name there, I wanted to come in on her point about the attraction and transparency but also say something about the role of Congress which is incredibly important and, you know, want to make sure to say one particular point about that. You don't need attraction and helping other countries move in a certain direction. So, I mean, again, y
ou know, I think it helps to really think about it, think about how we've intervened and in very broad terms, and, and I think looking at Central Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War is a really important example. And the question is, why did it turn out the way it did? Are there lessons to be learned, are there particular, are there things that are unique to that particular time and place? Because what happened was you had all these countries, you know, behind the Iron Curtain, they wer
e dominated by the Soviet Union occupied by the Soviet Union. And then, the communist regimes collapse, the Soviet Union collapses and the question is, well now what? These countries were desperate to be part of the West, and the United States, I mean, some of the advice the United States gave was good so of the United States wasn't a good, but, you know, the United States was asked, and Western Europeans as well, they were asked for political and economic advice to produce societies that would
have democratic policies and market economies and respect for rule of law, respect for human rights, but hugely important with civilian control over the military, and, and the West used its two major institutions, NATO and the European Union, as well as foreign assistance to really help countries evolve in ways that, you know, no one knew whether it would work out or not but has largely been successful, even with some what we call backsliding in several of those countries. So I think really tryi
ng to understand what was required from the standpoint of those countries themselves the kind of leaders they produced their interactions with the United States and its then allies existing allies, and how that turned out I think is is really important still to study. I wanted to mention on Congress. I think we have a really interesting situation right now because presidents typically have jealously guarded their prerogatives and really, you know, they've accrued more and more power over time, a
nd they don't like to give it up, typically, and that Congress has been very weak on foreign policy in the post Cold War period expertise declined dramatically in Congress with respect to foreign policy and national security. And so, as Cory was saying, oversight declined. Congress doesn't like to vote on use of force questions so they'd be just as happy to stay out of the whole discussion about a new authorization to use military force. I think one interesting thing to watch is that in the 2018
election, there were a number of national security professionals who were elected to the Congress who were reelected in 2020. And one question is whether or not those members will begin to play a more important role, given their prior national security expertise -I did a webinar recently at Brookings with one of those members of Congress Congressman Andy Kim from New Jersey. And we talked about this the congressional role in foreign policy, and what to expect and one of the reasons I'm interest
ed in this, and why I say things of, you know, there may be a moment of change here, is that it's clear from the, the statements that have been made by President Biden and Secretary of State Blinken and partly it reflects, you know, President Biden was in the Senate for a long long time. Secretary Blinken, worked for Senator Biden before he became Senator Biden became vice president, and then worked for him during the Obama years and then moved on to become Deputy Secretary of State, so they hav
e a lot of experience with Congress, and they've called for a stronger congressional role in foreign policy, and I think the reason is because of what we've seen from 2016 to 2020, and then potentially 2024. Donald Trump was elected in 2016 He came in in 2017 and he undid all sorts of things that Barack Obama had done. You know, walked away from the Trans Pacific Partnership the Paris Climate Accords, the Iran nuclear deal, and so on. Joe Biden's elected in 2020, comes in 2021 and he comes back
into the Paris Climate Accords, he's talking about coming back into the Iran nuclear deal, he's, you know he extended the New START treaty that, that the Trump administration was, was walking away from. Alright so what happens, who's going to be elected in 2024? We don't know. How will Joe Biden's policies last past January 20 of 2025? Why, why wouldn't they just zig and zag again, you know, depending on you know for Republicans elected in 2024 if Trump's real elected again in 2024? There's only
one way really to to help create more stability in US foreign policy and that is to have a stronger congressional role in foreign policy, and I think that's why you see the President and Secretary of State calling for that stronger congressional role and the question will be whether the Congress is up for it and what that would look like if they engaged more and use their constitutionally derived powers to play that role. Jenna Thoretz: Thank you very much. So we have just a couple of more ques
tions for you all, thank you once again for your time. This next question is coming from our audience. And any of you can feel free to jump in and give your thoughts on this, so this question asks How does skin color or race seem to in fact seem to affect past interventions? Is that a determinant in US foreign policy? James Goldgeier: I am so glad this question was asked because I forgot to answer that part of the question earlier that was tying anti-communism, the Cold War to the question that
was put earlier about harming civil rights, I think that it's really important to think about the ways in which the Cold War battle with the Soviet Union was seen by Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy. And what seemed by Presidents Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy, all of whom preceded the Civil Rights Act of 1964. When they looked at the ways in which the United States was losing the propaganda war with the Soviet Union because the United States is talking about human rights as violating the righ
ts of Americans. And, you know, there were just some absolutely outrageous cases of course - I mean we've, we've seen some recently in our American history - cases that existed during the Cold War and were used by the Soviet Union to say look at this, look at the United States. Look at the way they treat African American community look at the way they treat others, and, and much of the effort by Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy on civil rights was because of the need to make improvements in that
battle with the, with the Soviet Union, and Emory University Professor Mary Dudziak has a wonderful book called Cold War Civil Rights showing this but also showing that policies were not what they might have been because they weren't about necessarily about making things better here in the United States to make things better here in the United States they were about making things better in order to for all Americans. Because of the propaganda war with with the Soviet Union, and I think this is a
, this is a real question for today as well. You know, as countries like China and Russia are able to use the kinds of events that we've seen here in the United States, whether it was the murder of George Floyd or whether the recent killings in Atlanta of Asian American women, whether or not countries like China and Russia can use that as propaganda to cast doubt on the United States in its claims to be a free and inclusive society. What then is possible? Of course, the United States government
should be addressing these issues because they're important to address for all of us in the United States. Systemic racism is something we should be addressing in the United States because it's important for us to do so. It's possible that there will be additional impetus to do so because of the foreign policy ramifications, as there was during the Cold War. Maddie Casey: Alright, and our last question for all of our panelists, is how can we as students and citizens become engaged in our politic
al processes as a nation and hold the United States government responsible for treating other country's political processes with respect? Is this reasonable, and is it possible? Kori Schake: It's both reasonable, and possible. ecome a journalist become a college professor, join the Marine Corps become an American diplomat, join the CIA to make sure they're ethical voices in the conversation about, about all of the subjects we've been talking about, become a participant because your integrity, an
d your perspective, are needed by your country. Stephen Kinzer: I support all of them I would just add this one piece of advice. Don't fall into following the paradigm that you're being fed by the mass media. Recently I've been watching Fox News and CNN, I tell you one is worse than the other. It's all the same, rant over and over again. Try to expand your sources of information, look at blogs like informed comment or responsible statecraft, look beyond the stenography of power that it character
izes much of the mass media, don't just become a subject for what's pouring out of Washington, try to educate yourself about the world. You know, Condoleezza Rice had a nice line even though it was grammatically kind of odd about Iran, she said, "We really don't have a very good veracity, about the place." What she meant was we don't know anything about it. We've never had a diplomat that's ever would have no diplomat that has ever been in Iran, you college students can be the counterbalance for
that you are the source of knowledge, so pull yourself outside of what you're supposed to believe, and look at things with an independent mind, that would be my number one piece of advice. James Goldgeier: When I, I teach a first year undergraduate class called America in the World Since 1989, and I start the class, showing video that I'm sure many of, if not all of your students have seen YouTube video, Jeff Daniels in the show Newsroom, where he's asked what makes America great. And he goes o
n a diatribe, about how it used to be great but it's not anymore and he particularly goes after, in ways that are completely inappropriate and unacceptable, the woman student, he's assuming, who, who is asking the question. So it generates a great discussion, because my students get very angry, and of course the central message that they have for me is, well, why is he blaming our generation, your generation is the one that messed everything up. And I think the important thing for you all who ar
e going to have to fix the things that we messed up, is to really, is to challenge us, and as you go out from school - I gather that those of you in the undergraduate Fellows Program are graduating in a couple months, and I learned before the session, that there's going to be an on campus ceremony which is fantastic; I'm so happy for you - I mean you're going to go out into the workforce, or in graduate, or go to graduate school. And I would just encourage you that if you're working at places w
here Kori Schake and Stephen Kinzer and Jim Goldgeier and others are working, that you challenge them, and that you don't just accept what they are saying as reflecting some kind of truth, but you bring your insights to bear as the individuals who are going to have to make the difference. As we enter some extraordinarily difficult times for the United States and the world and particularly of course on climate change. Stephen Kinzer: Don't think that you know best, that's, that's one way the Unit
ed States has gotten into a lot of trouble than we think we know what's good for the world better than the world itself knows, Ask yourself whether we really know what we're doing before we do things. Jenna Thoretz: Thank you, thank you all for being here and thank you to everyone that has joined us tonight for the Eisenhower Institute's panel, US Foreign Policy from Eisenhower to Reagan: Who Did it Serve and What Were the Consequences. And again, a very special thank you to James Goldgeier, Kor
i Schake, and Stephen Kinzer for being with us. We hope you'll join us Thursday for Space Commerce: the Burgeoning Business of Satellites, hosted by the Eisenhower Institute Fielding Fellows. Follow Eisenhower Institute on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, and sign up for the Eisenhower Institute newsletter for additional programming. Have a great rest of your night.

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@parttimethinker7611

The military Industrial Complexes (MIC) is so well divided among many important states, that tied the hands of Congress. Now we must serve the MIC for life. They (MIC) had been employing the intellectual elites of our nation to master our congressional leaders and think tanks. It’s too late to do anything now. Thanks for the extremely inspiring, learning and thought provoking discussions